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Role: Literate Worker Gender: Female Date: Late-first to early second century CE Place: Rome Language: Greek Literary Genre: Apocalypse; Revelation Dialogue Title of Work: Shepherd of Hermas Reference: Herm. Vis. 2.4.3 (8.3) Original Text: γράψεις οὖν δύο βιβλαρίδια καὶ πέμψεις ἓν Κλήμεντι καὶ ἓν Γραπτῇ. πέμψει οὖν Κλήμης εἰς τὰς ἔξω πόλεις, ἐκείνῳ γὰρ ἐπιτέτραπται. Γραπτὴ δὲ νουθετήσει τὰς χήρας καὶ τοὺς ὀρφανούς. σὺ δε ἀναγνώσῃ εἰς ταύτην τὴν πόλιν μετὰ τῶν πρεσβυτέρων τῶν προϊσταμένων τῆς ἐκκλησίας. English Translation: Therefore, write two little books and send one to Clement and the other to Grapte. Then Clement will send it to the outer cities, since it is entrusted to him. But Grapte will instruct the widows and orphans. And you will read it in the city with the presbyters who preside over the assembly. Commentary: Grapte is mentioned only once in the Shepherd of Hermas, when a divine figure called the Ekklesia commands Hermas to compose textual material that he receives from her (both via copying from a book that she holds and via dictation). Grapte is one of two recipients of the Ekklesia’s books, which are distributed by Hermas. Given that the Shepherd describes Grapte’s role as instruction for widows and orphans through the divine knowledge passed on by Hermas, she is characterized as a leader and teacher in her early Christian community. This role also presumes Grapte’s literacy and ability to interpret the textual material she receives for a broader community. It is likely that Grapte is an enslaved or formerly enslaved person. Her name, which means “written,” is common among enslaved persons—particularly those who were trained as literate workers (e.g., CIL 2 3346; CIL 15 7286a). Grapte’s skill as an enslaved literate worker may have made her a valuable part of an early Christian network that distributed and interpreted texts. Keywords: Apostolic Fathers; Christian;Literate Worker Related Entries: Clement; Hermas Bibliography: Maier, Harry O. “The Social Setting of the Ministry as Reflected in the Writings of Hermas, Clement and Ignatius. Waterloo, Ontario: Laurier University Press, 1991. Proctor, Travis W. “Books, Scribes, and the Cultures of Reading in the Shepherd of Hermas.” Journal of Ecclesiastical History 73.3 (2022): 461–479. How to Cite: Bonar, Chance E. “Grapte (Herm. Vis. 2).” Ancient Enslaved Christians. Accessed DAY MONTH YEAR. .

Role: Literate Worker Gender: Male Date: Late-first to early second century CE Place: Rome Language: Greek Literary Genre: Apocalypse; Revelation Dialogue Title of Work: Shepherd of Hermas Reference: Herm. Vis. 2.4.3 (8.3) Original Text: γράψεις οὖν δύο βιβλαρίδια καὶ πέμψεις ἓν Κλήμεντι καὶ ἓν Γραπτῇ. πέμψει οὖν Κλήμης εἰς τὰς ἔξω πόλεις, ἐκείνῳ γὰρ ἐπιτέτραπται. Γραπτὴ δὲ νουθετήσει τὰς χήρας καὶ τοὺς ὀρφανούς. σὺ δε ἀναγνώσῃ εἰς ταύτην τὴν πόλιν μετὰ τῶν πρεσβυτέρων τῶν προϊσταμένων τῆς ἐκκλησίας. English Translation: Therefore, write two little books and send one to Clement and the other to Grapte. Then Clement will send it to the outer cities, since it is entrusted to him. But Grapte will instruct the widows and orphans. And you will read it in the city with the presbyters who preside over the assembly. Commentary: Clement is mentioned only once in the Shepherd of Hermas, when a divine figure called the Ekklesia ("Church") commands Hermas to compose textual material that he receives from her (both via copying from a book that she holds and via dictation). Clement is one of two recipients of the Ekklesia’s books, which are distributed by Hermas. Given that the Shepherd describes Clement’s role as distribution to other cities—presumably beyond Rome—he is characterized as belonging to wider networks of early Christian figures. Unlike both Hermas and Grapte, Clement is not tasked with reading or interpretation of the text to a particular community, but rather with further dissemination around the Mediterranean. It is likely that Clement is an enslaved or formerly enslaved person. His name—which means “merciful,” “gentle,” or “compliant”—is common among enslaved persons (e.g., CIL 6 16203; CIL 8 12704; AE 1987, 177a) and highlights the aspiration of enslavers that such an enslaved person would be pliable to their will. Scholars have long debated whether this Clement mentioned in the Shepherd is Clement of Rome, a bishop in the late first century CE and authorial figure attributed to 1 Clement. The relationship between the Shepherd’s Clement and Clement of Rome are often key data points in determining the date of the Shepherd itself. Keywords: Apostolic Fathers; Christian; Literate Worker Related Entries: Hermas; Grapte Bibliography: Maier, Harry O. “The Social Setting of the Ministry as Reflected in the Writings of Hermas, Clement and Ignatius. Waterloo, Ontario: Laurier University Press, 1991. Proctor, Travis W. “Books, Scribes, and the Cultures of Reading in the Shepherd of Hermas.” Journal of Ecclesiastical History 73.3 (2022): 461–479. How to Cite: Bonar, Chance E. “Clement (Herm.Vis.2).” Ancient Enslaved Christians. Accessed DAY MONTH YEAR.

Role: Messenger Gender: Male Date: 95-96 CE Place: Rome; Corinth Language: Greek Literary Genre: Letter Title of Work: 1 Clement Reference: 1 Clem 65.1 Original Text: Τοὺς δὲ ἀπεσταλμένους ἀφ᾿ ἡμῶν Κλαύδιον Ἔφηβον καὶ Οὐαλέριον Βίτωνα σὺν καὶ Φορτουνάτῳ ἐν εἰρήνῃ μετὰ χαρᾶς ἐν τάχει ἀναπέμψατε πρὸς ἡμᾶς, ὅπως θᾶττον τὴν εὐκταίαν καὶ ἐπιποθήτην ἡμῖν εἰρήνην καὶ ὁμόνοιαν ἀπαγγέλλωσιν, εἰς τὸ τάχιον καὶ ἡμᾶς χαρῆναι περὶ τῆς εὐσταθείας ὑμῶν. (1 Clem. 65.1) English Translation: But send back to us quickly our envoy Claudius Ephebus and Valerius Bito, along with Fortunatus, in peace and with joy, that they may inform us without delay about the peace and harmony that we have prayed and desired for you. Then we will rejoice more quickly in your stability. (1 Clem. 65.1) Text and Translation adapted from Bart D. Ehrman, The Apostolic Fathers (Loeb Classical Library 24; Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2003), 150–1. Commentary: Fortunatus was one of a group of three messengers dispatched from Rome to Corinth to deliver, read, and perhaps interpret the text now known as 1 Clement. The author of the letter identifies all three as “trustworthy and prudent men.” The role of these messengers—the others are identified as Claudius Ephebus and Valerius Bito—was to ensure that the letter was understood and to report back on how it was received. The situation appears to have been precarious: a fissure had emerged between the groups of Christ followers in Rome and Corinth and, in the eyes of the Roman Christians, Corinth was imperiled. Fortunatus, meaning “lucky,” was a common name for enslaved and formerly enslaved workers. See Josephus, JW 18.247-48;  Tacitus, Ann. 16.10; Martial Ep. 2.14;  CIL 6.30882; CIL 6.8645; CIL 8.12597; CIL 15.1343,4. In contrast to his fellow-messengers who seem to have been freedmen he possesses only one name, suggesting that he is still enslaved. One scholar has suggested that Fortunatus is an “appendage” to the more senior figures.[1] As enslaved or formerly enslaved people were regularly deployed as letter carriers and messengers, particularly in situations where the situation was delicate and the message important, it seems likely that Claudius Ephebus was formerly enslaved. Keywords: Apostolic Fathers; Christian; Corinth; Literate Worker; Messenger; Rome Related Entries: Valerius Bito (1 Clem 65.1); Claudius Ephebus (1 Clem 65.1) Bibliography: Head, Peter M. “‘Witnesses between You and Us’: The Role of the Letter-Carriers in 1 Clement.” Pages 477-93 in Studies on the Text of the New Testament and Early Christianity: Essays in Honour of Michael W. Holmes on the Occasion of his 65th Birthday. Edited by Daniel M. Gurtner, Juan Hernández, and Paul Foster. Leiden: Brill, 2015. Lightfoot, Joseph Barber. The Apostolic Fathers. Volume 2. London and New York: Macmillan, 1885. (es1:27–29 Lampe, Peter. From Paul to Valentinus: Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries, trans. Michael Steinhauser. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2003. (esp. 184–86) Mitchell, Margaret M. “New Testament Envoys in the Context of Greco-Roman Diplomatic and Epistolary Conventions: The Example of Timothy and Titus.” JBL 111.4 (1992): 641–662. How to Cite: Moss, Candida R. “Fortunatus (1 Clem 65.1).” Ancient Enslaved Christians. Accessed DAY MONTH YEAR. . Notes: 1 Lampe, From Paul to Valentinus, 185.

Role: Messenger Gender: Male Date: 95-96 CE Place: Rome; Corinth Language: Greek Literary Genre: Letter Title of Work: 1 Clement Reference: 1 Clem 65.1 Original Text: Τοὺς δὲ ἀπεσταλμένους ἀφ᾿ ἡμῶν Κλαύδιον Ἔφηβον καὶ Οὐαλέριον Βίτωνα σὺν καὶ Φορτουνάτῳ ἐν εἰρήνῃ μετὰ χαρᾶς ἐν τάχει ἀναπέμψατε πρὸς ἡμᾶς, ὅπως θᾶττον τὴν εὐκταίαν καὶ ἐπιποθήτην ἡμῖν εἰρήνην καὶ ὁμόνοιαν ἀπαγγέλλωσιν, εἰς τὸ τάχιον καὶ ἡμᾶς χαρῆναι περὶ τῆς εὐσταθείας ὑμῶν. (1 Clem. 65.1) English Translation: But send back to us quickly our envoy Claudius Ephebus and Valerius Bito, along with Fortunatus, in peace and with joy, that they may inform us without delay about the peace and harmony that we have prayed and desired for you. Then we will rejoice more quickly in your stability. (1 Clem. 65.1) Text and Translation adapted from Bart D. Ehrman, The Apostolic Fathers (Loeb Classical Library 24; Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2003), 150–1. Commentary: Valerius Bito was one of a group of three messengers dispatched from Rome to Corinth to deliver, read, and interpret the text now known as 1 Clement. The author of the letter identifies all three as “trustworthy and prudent men.” The role of these messengers—the others are identified as Claudius Ephebus and an enslaved man named Fortunatus—was to ensure that the letter was understood and to report back on how it was received. The situation appears to have been precarious: a fissure had emerged between the groups of Christ followers in Rome and Corinth and, in the eyes of the Roman Christians, Corinth was imperiled. It is possible that Valerius Bito was an imperial freedman. Since Joseph Barber Lightfoot in the nineteenth century, one line of academic argument has maintained that Claudius Ephebus and Valerius Bito were members of the imperial household (familia caesaris). For both Lightfoot and Lampe, the use of Greek cognomen for Ephebus and Bito suggested that they were formerly enslaved. They further argue that the use of imperial names Claudius and Valerius suggest ties to the imperial household. Paul alludes to Jesus followers in the household of the emperor in Philippians 4:22. Lampe connects Valerius Bito to an imperial freedwoman named Valeria Maria who is known only from inscriptional evidence (CIL 6.27948). Given the rarity of the use of the name Maria in inscriptions from this period Lampe argues that she was an enslaved Jewish woman of the Valerii who was related to Valerius Bito. This creative explanation should, as Michael Flexsenhar has shown, be treated with some caution. Some Roman citizens used Greek cognomen and some individuals who had no ties to the emperor’s household used imperial nomenclature. There is, according to Flesenhar, insufficient evidence to conclude that Claudius Ephebus and Valerius Bito were imperial freedmen. As enslaved or formerly enslaved people were used as letter carriers and messengers, particularly in situations where the situation was delicate, it seems safe to conclude that Valerius Bito was formerly enslaved. Keywords: Apostolic Fathers; Christian; Corinth; Literate Worker; Messenger; Rome Related Entries:Fortunatus (1 Clem 65.1); Claudius Ephebus (1 Clem 65.1) Bibliography: Flexsenhar III, Michael. Christians in Caesar’s Household. The Emperor’s Slaves in the Makings of Christianity. Inventing Christianity Vol. 1. University Park: Penn State Press, 2019. Head, Peter M. “‘Witnesses between You and Us’: The Role of the Letter-Carriers in 1 Clement.” Pages 477-93 in Studies on the Text of the New Testament and Early Christianity: Essays in Honour of Michael W. Holmes on the Occasion of his 65th Birthday. Edited by Daniel M. Gurtner, Juan Hernández, and Paul Foster. Leiden: Brill, 2015. Lampe, Peter. From Paul to Valentinus: Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries, trans. Michael Steinhauser. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2003. (esp. 184–86) Lightfoot, Joseph Barber. The Apostolic Fathers. Volume 2. London and New York: Macmillan, 1885. Mitchell, Margaret M. “New Testament Envoys in the Context of Greco-Roman Diplomatic and Epistolary Conventions: The Example of Timothy and Titus.” JBL 111.4 (1992): 641–662. How to Cite: Moss, Candida R. “Valerius Bito (1 Clem. 65.1).” Ancient Enslaved Christians. Accessed DAY MONTH YEAR. . Notes: 1  Lightfoot, Apostolic Fathers 1:27–29. 2 Flexsenhar cites the following as examples of Tiberii Claudii: AE 1925, 14; 1931, 89; 1969/70, 32; 1972, 48; 1976, 90; 1981, 145; 1998, 1613; 1999, 390 (Christians in Caesar’s Household, 168n8). 3 Flexsenhar, Christians in Caesar’s Household, 134-37.

Role:Messenger Gender: Male Date:  95-96 CE Place: Rome; Corinth Language:  Greek Literary Genre: Letter Title of Work:  1 Clement Reference:  1 Clem 65.1 Original Text: Τοὺς δὲ ἀπεσταλμένους ἀφ᾿ ἡμῶν Κλαύδιον Ἔφηβον καὶ Οὐαλέριον Βίτωνα σὺν καὶ Φορτουνάτῳ ἐν εἰρήνῃ μετὰ χαρᾶς ἐν τάχει ἀναπέμψατε πρὸς ἡμᾶς, ὅπως θᾶττον τὴν εὐκταίαν καὶ ἐπιποθήτην ἡμῖν εἰρήνην καὶ ὁμόνοιαν ἀπαγγέλλωσιν, εἰς τὸ τάχιον καὶ ἡμᾶς χαρῆναι περὶ τῆς εὐσταθείας ὑμῶν. (1 Clem. 65.1) English Translation: But send back to us quickly our envoy Claudius Ephebus and Valerius Bito, along with Fortunatus, in peace and with joy, that they may inform us without delay about the peace and harmony that we have prayed and desired for you. Then we will rejoice more quickly in your stability. (1 Clem. 65.1) Text and Translation adapted from Bart D. Ehrman, The Apostolic Fathers (Loeb Classical Library 24; Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2003), 150–1. Commentary: Claudius Ephebus was one of a group of three messengers dispatched from Rome to Corinth to deliver, read, and perhaps interpret the text now known as 1 Clement. The author of the letter identifies all three as “trustworthy and prudent men.” The role of these messengers—the others are identified as Valerius Bito and an enslaved man named Fortunatus—was to ensure that the letter was understood and, then, to report back on how it was received. The situation appears to have been precarious: a fissure had emerged between the groups of Christ followers in Rome and Corinth and, in the eyes of the Roman Christians, Corinth was imperiled. It is possible that Claudius Ephebus was an imperial freedman. Since Joseph Barber Lightfoot in the nineteenth century, one line of academic argument has maintained that Claudius Ephebus and Valerius Bito were members of the imperial household (familia caesaris).[1] For both Lightfoot and Lampe, the use of Greek cognomen (personal names) for Ephebus and his coworker Bito suggests that they were formerly enslaved. They further argue that the use of imperial names Claudius and Valerius suggest ties to the imperial household. Michael Flexsenhar has argued that the connection to the imperial household should be viewed with some caution. Some Roman citizens used Greek cognomen and some individuals who had no ties to the emperor’s household used imperial nomenclature.[2] There is, according to Flexsenhar, insufficient evidence to conclude that Claudius Ephebus and Valerius Bito were imperial freedmen.[3] As enslaved or formerly enslaved people were regularly deployed as letter carriers and messengers, particularly in situations where the situation was delicate and the message important, it seems likely that Claudius Ephebus was formerly enslaved. Keywords: Apostolic Fathers; Christian; Corinth; Literate Worker; Messenger; Rome Related Entries: Valerius Bito (1 Clem 65.1); Fortunatus  (1 Clem 65.1) Bibliography: Flexsenhar III, Michael. Christians in Caesar’s Household. The Emperor’s Slaves in the Makings of Christianity. Inventing Christianity Vol. 1. University Park: Penn State Press, 2019. Head, Peter M. “‘Witnesses between You and Us’: The Role of the Letter-Carriers in 1 Clement.” Pages 477-93 in Studies on the Text of the New Testament and Early Christianity: Essays in Honour of Michael W. Holmes on the Occasion of his 65th Birthday. Edited by Daniel M. Gurtner, Juan Hernández, and Paul Foster. Leiden: Brill, 2015. Lampe, Peter. From Paul to Valentinus: Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries, trans. Michael Steinhauser. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2003. (esp. 184–86) Lightfoot, Joseph Barber. The Apostolic Fathers. Volume 2. London and New York: Macmillan, 1885. Mitchell, Margaret M. “New Testament Envoys in the Context of Greco-Roman Diplomatic and Epistolary Conventions: The Example of Timothy and Titus.” JBL 111.4 (1992): 641–662. How to Cite: Moss, Candida R. “Claudius Ephebus (1 Clem 65.1).” Ancient Enslaved Christians. Accessed DAY MONTH YEAR. . Notes: 1  Lightfoot, Apostolic Fathers 1:27–29. 2 Flexsenhar cites the following as examples of Tiberii Claudii: AE 1925, 14; 1931, 89; 1969/70, 32; 1972, 48; 1976, 90; 1981, 145; 1998, 1613; 1999, 390 (Christians in Caesar’s Household, 168n8). 3 Flexsenhar, Christians in Caesar’s Household, 134-37.

Role: Literate Worker Gender: Male Date:  105-180 CE Place: Ephesus; Asia Minor Language:  Greek Literary Genre: Letter Title of Work: Ignatius, Letter to the Philadelphians; Ignatius, Letter to the Ephesians; Ignatius, Letter to the Smyrnaeans Reference:  Ign. Phild. 11; Ign. Eph.2; Ign. Smyr. 12 Original Text: ἀσπάζεται ὑμᾶς ἡ ἀγάπη τῶν ἀδελφῶν τῶν ἐν Τρωάδι, ὅθεν καὶ γράφω ὑμῖν διὰ Βούρρου πεμφθέντος ἅμα ἐμοὶ ἀπὸ Ἐφεσίων καὶ Σμυρναίων εἰς λόγον τιμῆς. (Ign. Philad. 11) Περὶ δὲ τοῦ συνδούλου μου Βούρρου, τοῦ κατὰ θεὸν διακόνου ὑμῶν ἐν πᾶσιν εὐλογημένου, εὔχομαι παραμεῖναι αὐτὸν εἰς τιμὴν ὑμῶν καὶ τοῦ ἐπισκόπου· καὶ Κρόκος δέ, ὁ θεοῦ ἄξιος καὶ ὑμῶν, ὃν ἐξεμπλάριον τῆς ἀφ᾿ ὑμῶν ἀγάπης ἀπέλαβον, κατὰ πάντα με ἀνέπαυσεν, ὡς καὶ αὐτὸν ὁ πατὴρ Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ ἀναψύξαι ἅμα Ὀνησίμῳ καὶ Βούρρῳ καὶ Εὔπλῳ καὶ Φρόντωνι, δι᾿ ὧν πάντας ὑμᾶς κατὰ ἀγάπην εἶδον. (Ign. Eph. 2) Ἀσπάζεται ὑμᾶς ἡ ἀγάπη τῶν ἀδελφῶν τῶν ἐν Τρωάδι, ὅθεν καὶ γράφω ὑμῖν διὰ Βούρρου, ὃν ἀπεστείλατε μετ᾿ ἐμοῦ ἅμα Ἐφεσίοις, τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς ὑμῶν, ὃς κατὰ πάντα με ἀνέπαυσεν. καὶ ὄφελον πάντες αὐτὸν ἐμιμοῦντο, ὄντα ἐξεμπλάριον θεοῦ διακονίας. (Ign. Smyr. 12) English Translation: The love of the brothers in Troas greets you; it is from there that I am writing you through Burrhus, who has been sent together with me from the Ephesians and Smyrneans as a pledge of honor. (Ign. Philad. 11) But as to my fellow slave Burrhus, your godly [servant] who is blessed in all things, I ask that he stay here for the honor of both you and the bishop. And Crocus as well—who is worthy of God and of you, whom I received as an embodiment of your love—has revived me in every way. So may the Father of Jesus Christ refresh him, along with Onesimus, Burrhus, Euplus, and Fronto, those through whom I lovingly saw all of you.  (Ign. Eph. 2) The love of the brothers who are in Troas greets you; from there I am writing to you through  Burrhus, whom you sent along with me, together with your brothers the Ephesians. He has refreshed me in every way. Would that everyone imitated him, as he is the embodiment of the service of God. (Ign., Smyr. 12) Text and Translation: adapted from Bart D. Ehrman, The Apostolic Fathers (Loeb Classical Library; Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2003). Commentary: Burrhus is one of the central literate workers named in the letters of Ignatius, the second century bishop of Antioch. Sometime in the summer of 116 CE, Burrhus was sent by the Christian assemblies in Ephesus and Smyrna to assist the elderly bishop as he traveled under armed guard through Asia Minor (modern day Turkey) to Rome. When he located Ignatius he began to serve as an amanuensis (secretary) and messenger for the bishop.[1] It is also likely that like Epaphroditus and Onesimus, who supported Paul while he was imprisoned, Burrhus performed other tasks on behalf of the imprisoned Ignatius. Burrhus is explicitly identified as a διάκονος a word that can be translated as either “deacon” or “servant” and a σύνδουλος (fellow-enslaved person).  It is likely that Burrhus was from Ephesus or its environs. Though residents of both Smyrna and Ephesus sponsored his trip, Ignatius requests of the Ephesians that Burrhus be permitted to stay in Smyrna with him (Ign. Eph. 2.1). The request seems to have been a costly one: an agreement between the Ephesian and Smyrnaean Christians had covered the cost of Burrhus’s travel as far as Smyrna, but the Smyrnaeans were unwilling to cover any further expenses. That Burrhus could not make these decisions for himself suggests that he either lacked means or that he was enslaved. The Ephesians must have agreed to the request as Burrhus accompanied Ignatius at least as far as the northern port of Alexandria Troas (an almost ten-day journey on foot). It appears that Burrhus, like Crocus, was distinguished in the eyes of Ignatius. He is explicitly noted and commended in the concluding greetings of the Letter to the Philadelphians and the Letter to the Smyrnaeans.  Ignatius consistently presents Burrhus as a reflection of the communities that financially backed him: he is a “word [or pledge] of honor” (Phld. 11.2) and a “copy” of their love (Eph. 2.1; 11.2). When Ignatius speaks of Burrhus and Crocus, he consistently refers to the honor that they bring to the Ephesians and Smyrnaeans. He describes them as literate objects, calling them “living cop[ies]” of the love of the Ephesians (Moss). The word for “copy” here is exemplarium, a Latin loanword used to describe literary copies of legal documents (Dig. 31.47). As Chris Londa has shown, messengers were regularly pictured as extensions of the presence and character of the ones who had sent them, but their status as breathing objects evokes the Roman elite practice of describing secretaries as tablets and pens. We should note that Ignatius uses the same language to describe Onesimus, the Bishop of Ephesus (Ign. Trall. 3.2). According to Schoedel, the Latin name Burrhus was associated with those of servile rank.[2] There were, of course, exceptions (e.g.Sextus Afanius Burrus, Praetorian Prefect of Nero CIL 12.5842), but this Burrhus seems to have lacked both means and autonomy. The evidence, thus, leans in the direction of enslaved status. There are numerous difficulties involving the form and dating of the letters of Ignatius. Scholarly efforts to date the corpus range from the early to the late second century. On this the summary contained in the introduction to Ehrman’s edition. Keywords: Apostolic Fathers; Christian; Ignatius; Literate Worker; Messenger; Secretary Related Entries: Crocus (Ign. Eph 2 and Rom 10); Onesimus (Ign. Eph. 1-2 and 6) Bibliography: Londa, Chris. “Letters.” In Writing, Enslavement, and Powerin the Roman Mediterranean. Edited by Jeremiah Coogan, Joseph Howley, Candida Moss. Oxford: Oxford University Press, forthcoming. Moss, Candida R. God’s Ghostwriters: Enslaved Christians and the Making of the Bible. New York: Little Brown, 2024. Richards, E. Randolph. “Silvanus Was Not Peter’s Secretary: Theological Bias in Interpreting διὰ Σιλουανοῦ …εγραψαin 1 Peter 5:12,” Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society 43.3 (2000): 417–32. Schoedel, William R. Ignatius of Antioch: A Commentary on the Letters of Ignatius of Antioch. Minneapolis: Fortress, 1985. How to Cite: Moss, Candida R. “Burrhus (Ign. Eph. 2; Phld. 11; Smyr. 12).” Ancient Enslaved Christians. Accessed DAY MONTH YEAR Notes: 1  In his work E. Randolph Richards argues that Burrhus was only the emissary, not the secretary, for Ignatius’s letters. 2 Schoedel, Ignatius, 46.

Role: Literate Worker; Secretary Gender: Male Date:  Mid-third century CE Place: Alexandria Language:  Greek Literary Genre: Bios, History; Narrative Title of Work:  Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History Reference:  Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 6.18.1–2; 6.23.1–2 cf. Jerome, Vir. ill. 56; 61.3 Original Text: Ἐξ ἐκείνου, δὲ καὶ Ὠριγένει τῶν εἰς τὰς θείας γραφὰς ὑπομνημάτων ἐγίνετο ἀρχή, Ἀμβροσίου παρορμῶντος αὐτὸν μυρίαις οὐ προτροπαῖς ταῖς διὰ λόγων καὶ παρακλήσεσιν αὐτὸ μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἀφθονωτάταις τῶν ἐπιτηδείων χορηγίαις. 2 Ταχυγράφοι τε γὰρ αὐτῷ πλείους ἢ ἑπτὰ τὸν ἀριθμὸν παρῆσαν ὑπαγορεύοντι, χρόνοις τεταγμένοις ἀλλήλους ἀμείβοντες,  βιβλιογράφοι τε οὐχ ἥττους ἅμα καὶ κόραις ἐπὶ τὸ καλλιγραφεῖν ἠσκημέναις· ὧν ἁπάντων τὴν δέουσαν τῶν ἐπιτηδείων ἄφθονον περιουσίαν ὁ Ἀμβρόσιος παρεστήσατο·  (Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 6.18.1–2) English Translation: From that time, Origen also began commentaries on the divine writings, with Ambrose urging him on, not only with the kind of encouragement and exhortation that comes in words, but also with a plentiful supply of what was required. For more than seven shorthand writers were with him when he dictated, relieving each other on a schedule, and just as many scribes, along with maidens trained in calligraphy. Ambrose generously supplied what was required for all of them. (Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 6.18.1–2) Text: Eduard Schwartz, Eusebius Kirchesngeschichte (Repr.; Berlin: De Gruyter, 2021) Translation: Modified from Jeremy Schott, The History of the Church: A New Translation (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2019) Commentary: Seven enslaved shorthand writers or tachygraphers (Ταχυγράφοι) were furnished to the mid-third-century Christian teacher, philosopher, and polymath Origen of Alexandria by his patron Ambrose (Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 6.18.1–2). That Ambrose “supplied” these anonymous workers suggests that they were enslaved and were “gifted” in the same way as Roman elites gifted literate workers to one another. As we can infer from Eusebius' statement, shorthand writing was a difficult and arduous form of writing that was particularly associated with enslaved and formerly enslaved writers (Moss). The mythology of shorthand writing connecting its origins to servile workers like Tiro (Jerome, Orig. 1.22) and a freedman of Maecenas (Dio Cassius, Hist. 55.7.6.) and a contract from Egypt suggests that the skill took enslaved children two years to learn (P. Oxy 4.724). As a system of writing, Greek shorthand was non-pictographic and was somewhat ambiguous (Milne). The system was adapted by individual workers and shorthand style varied from place to place and, perhaps, household to household. Thus, in order to translate a text written in shorthand into longhand, the same scribe who took dictation would need to expand it (Moss). This state of affairs means that tachygraphers were a fundamental non-fungible part of Origen’s literary output and played a substantial role in transmitting his ideas. Keywords: Christian; Dictation; Eusebius; Literate Worker; Origen; Secretary; Shorthand Related Entries: Anonymous Female Calligraphers (Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 6.23.1-2); Anonymous Copyist (Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 6.23) Bibliography: Haines-Eitzen, Kim. Guardians of Letters: Literacy, Power and the Transmitters of Early Christian Literature. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000. Coogan, Jeremiah. “Tabular Thinking in Late Ancient Palestine: Instrumentality, Work, and the Construction of Knowledge.” Pages 57–81 in Knowledge Construction in Late Antiquity. Edited by Monika Amsler. Berlin: De Gruyter, 2023. Milne, H. J. Greek Shorthand Manuals. London: Egypt Exploration Society, 1934. Moss, Candida R. “The Secretary: Enslaved Workers, Stenography, and the Production of Early Christian Literature.” JTS 74.1 (2023): 20–56. How to Cite: Coogan, Jeremiah and Candida Moss. “Anonymous Shorthand Writers (Eusebius, HE 6.23.1-2)” Ancient Enslaved Christians. Accessed DAY MONTH YEAR. .

Role: Secretary; Shorthand Writer Gender: Unknown Date: 50-60 CE Place: Unknown Language:  Greek Literary Genre: Letter Title of Work: Galatians Reference:  Gal. 6:11 Original Text: Ἴδετε πηλίκοις ὑμῖν γράμμασιν ἔγραψα τῇ ἐμῇ χειρί.  (NA28 Gal. 6:11) English Translation: See what large letters I make when I am writing in my own hand! (Gal 6:11) Commentary: The majority of Paul’s letter to the Galatians was composed by an anonymous, likely enslaved secretary. Towards the end of the letter, Paul remarks on his handwriting, inviting his audience to see the size of his letters made in his “own hand” (Gal. 6:11). The statement suggests that the preceding text was written by someone else and that what follows is written in the author’s own hand (See 1 Cor. 16:21; Col. 4:18; Cf. 2 Thess 3:17). Dictation was a standard practice for Paul, who co-authored or collaboratively authored his letters with other named and unnamed individuals. Very little can be said about the anonymous secretary. If the letter was composed in Ephesus, as many have thought, then perhaps this was their place of origin. Noting a number of  bookish double entendres in the letter that are unique to Galatians (e.g. Gal 2:9; 4:3, 9), one scholar has suggested that some of the bibliophile interest in the work stems from the anonymous secretary.[1] Keywords: Christian; Dictation; Ephesus; Galatia; Literate Worker; New Testament; Paul; Secretary Bibliography: Keith, Chris. “‘In My Own Hand’: Grapho-Literacy and the Apostle Paul.” Bib 89 (2008): 39-58. Moss, Candida R. “What Large Letters: Invisible Labor, Invisible Disabilities, and Paul’s Use of Scribes.” Pages 105-121 in Divided Worlds? Interdisciplinary and Contemporary Challenges in Classics and New Testament Studies. Edited by Tat-Siong Benny Liew, Caroline Johnson Hodge and Timothy Joseph. Semeia Studies. Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature Press, 2023. Reece, Steve.  Paul’s Large Letters: Paul’s Autographic Subscriptions in the Light of Ancient Epistolary Conventions. LSNT 561; London: T&T Clark, 2018. Richards, E. Randolph. The Secretary in the Letters of Paul. WUNT II/42. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1991. ———Paul and First-Century Letter Writing. Secretaries, Composition and Collection. Westmont, IL: Intervarsity Press, 2004. How to Cite: Moss, Candida R.. “Anonymous Secretary (Gal 6:11).” Ancient Enslaved Christians. Accessed DAY MONTH YEAR. . Notes: 1 Moss, God’s Ghostwriters 87: “Paul’s anonymous secretary, who would have been familiar with the fact that enslaved workers were hired by the line and enslaved to the alphabet, found a way to capture Paul’s meaning while also inserting themselves into the letter.”

Role: Literate Worker Gender: Unknown Date:  Late 1st Century CE Place: Unknown Language:  Greek Literary Genre: Bios, History; Narrative Title of Work: Gospel of Mark Reference:  Mark 13:14 Original Text: Ὅταν δὲ ἴδητε τὸ βδέλυγμα τῆς ἐρημώσεως ἑστηκότα ὅπου οὐ δεῖ, ὁ ἀναγινώσκων νοείτω, τότε οἱ ἐν τῇ Ἰουδαίᾳ φευγέτωσαν εἰς τὰ ὄρη, English Translation: But when you see the desolating sacrilege set up where it ought not to be (let the reader understand), then those in Judea must flee to the mountains… Commentary: A scribe suddenly appears in Mark 13, a section of the gospel that some have called the Markan “Little Apocalypse.” Amid a series of warnings about impending destruction and chaos, the authors allude to the “desolating sacrilege” (τὸ βδέλυγμα τῆς ἐρημώσεως) described in Daniel 9:27. The phrase “let the reader understand” is a literary aside about how best  to interpret the image. While the aside might have referred to individual readers in general,[1] the note was more likely private advice to the designated reader (lector or ἀναγνώστης) who was tasked with performing the Gospel aloud.[2] Its purpose was to clarify the grammatically awkward flow of the verse. Because of the allusion to the text of Daniel, the neuter “βδέλυγμα” (abomination or sacrilege) is followed by a masculine participle “ἑστηκότα” (standing). The note provided the reader with advance notice about the grammatical incongruity. Perhaps, it even granted the reader interpretive license to explain the passage as they chose.[3] The author of the note is unknown, it appears in early manuscripts of Mark and is repeated in Matthew 24:15. While a great deal of scholarship assumes that the note is original either to Mark or to the author of Mark’s source it is possible that the note was added by an early scribe. In which case what we might have here is an example of two putatively enslaved workers–a scribe and a reader–communicating with one another.[4] Keywords: Christian; Copyist; Gospels; Literate Worker; New Testament; Reader Bibliography: Heilmann, Jan. Lesen in Antike und frühem Christentum: Kulturgeschichtliche, philologische sowie kognitionswissenschaftliche Perspektiven und deren Bedeutung für die neutestamentliche Exegese. Tübingen: Narr Francke Attempto, 2021. Muddiman, John. “The Reader of Mark 13:14B as the (Re-)Interpreter of Apocalyptic.” Pages 170–82 in Revealed Wisdom: Studies in Apocalyptic in Honour of Christopher Rowland. Edited by John Ashton. Leiden: Brill, 2014. Moss, Candida R. God’s Ghostwriters: Enslaved Christians and the Making of the Bible. New York: Little Brown, 2024. Wellhausen, Julius.  Einleitung in die drei ersten Evangelien. Berlin: Reimer, 1905. How to Cite: Moss, Candida R. “Anonymous Scribe  (Mark 13:14).” Ancient Enslaved Christians. Accessed DAY MONTH YEAR. . Notes: 1 Heilmann, Lesen, 105–34. 2 Julius Wellhausen, in Einleitung in die drei ersten Evangelien (Berlin: Reimer, 1905), 103; Ernest Best, “The Gospel of Mark: Who Was the Reader?” IBS 11 (1989): 124–32. 3 John Muddiman, “The Reader of Mark 13:14B as the (Re-) Interpreter of Apocalyptic,” in Revealed Wisdom: Studies in Apocalyptic in Honour of Christopher Rowland, ed. John Ashton (Leiden: Brill, 2014): 170–82. 4 Moss, God’s Ghostwriters, 189.

Role: Reader Gender: Unknown Date:  Late 2nd Century CE Place: Unknown Language:  Latin Literary Genre: Narrative; Novel Title of Work: Acts of Peter Reference: Acts of Peter 20-21 Original Text: Introibit autem Petrus in triclinio et vidit evangelium legi. Involves eum dixit: Viri, qui in Christo creditis et speratus…   (Acts of Peter 20) English Translation: Peter entered the dining-room and saw that the Gospel was being read. He rolled it up and said: “You men trust and hope in Christ…”  (Acts of Peter 20) Text: from Richard Adelbert Lipsius and Max Bonnet, Acta apostolorum apocrypha. 2 vols in 3 parts (Leipzig:Mendelssohn, 1889-190), 1.66-67. Translation: author’s own. Commentary: In the Acts of Peter the protagonist, the Apostle Peter, enters a dining-room (triclinium) where he sees that the Gospel is being read aloud. The reader here, though not noted in the text, is likely to have been enslaved. This is both because enslaved and formerly enslaved workers did the majority of literate work, and because it was common for ancient authors to use the passive to denote work performed by low status individuals. The scene envisions a reading event in an affluent household in the city of Rome similar to those described elsewhere in ancient Greek and Roman literature. We should assume that, in keeping with similar practices,  the servile reader had been tasked ahead of time with performing the text during the evening’s dinner party. The reader performed the text from a book roll using facial expressions and gestures. Their reading, thus, constituted a form of scriptural interpretation that guided the impressions of the assembled audience. This passage is a primary source in discussions of early Christian reading practices and the development of early Christian liturgy. After the reading, Peter subsequently expounded upon and interpreted the Gospel. Other Christian texts that assume public readings include 1 Thess 5:27; Col 4:16; Rev. 1:3; Justin Martyr, 1 Apol. 67.2. Keywords: Apocryphal Acts; Christian; Literate Worker; Peter; Reader; Rome. Bibliography: Laes, Christian. “Lectors in the Latin West: The Epigraphical Evidence (c. 300-800).” Arctos 53 (2019): 83–127. Shiell, William David. Reading Acts: The Lector and the Early Christian Audience. Leiden: Brill 2004. Snyder, Julia. “Acts of Peter.” e-Clavis: Christian Apocrypha. Accessed 1 March 2024. https://www.nasscal.com/e-clavis-christian-apocrypha/acts-of-peter/ How to Cite: Moss, Candida R. “Anonymous Reader (Acts of Peter 20).” Ancient Enslaved Christians. Accessed DAY MONTH YEAR. .