Search Results

Role: Copyist; Calligrapher Gender: Female Date: Mid-third century CE Place: Alexandria Language: Greek Literary Genre: History Title of Work: Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History Reference: Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 6.18.1–2; 6.23.1–2 cf. Jerome, Vir. ill. 56; 61.3 Original Text: Ἐξ ἐκείνου, δὲ καὶ Ὠριγένει τῶν εἰς τὰς θείας γραφὰς ὑπομνημάτων ἐγίνετο ἀρχή, Ἀμβροσίου παρορμῶντος αὐτὸν μυρίαις οὐ προτροπαῖς ταῖς διὰ λόγων καὶ παρακλήσεσιν αὐτὸ μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἀφθονωτάταις τῶν ἐπιτηδείων χορηγίαις. 2 Ταχυγράφοι τε γὰρ αὐτῷ πλείους ἢ ἑπτὰ τὸν ἀριθμὸν παρῆσαν ὑπαγορεύοντι, χρόνοις τεταγμένοις ἀλλήλους ἀμείβοντες,  βιβλιογράφοι τε οὐχ ἥττους ἅμα καὶ κόραις ἐπὶ τὸ καλλιγραφεῖν ἠσκημέναις· ὧν ἁπάντων τὴν δέουσαν τῶν ἐπιτηδείων ἄφθονον περιουσίαν ὁ Ἀμβρόσιος παρεστήσατο·  (Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 6.18.1–2) English Translation: From that time, Origen also began commentaries on the divine writings, with Ambrose urging him on, not only with the kind of encouragement and exhortation that comes in words, but also with a plentiful supply of what was required. For more than seven shorthand writers were with him when he dictated, relieving each other on a schedule, and just as many scribes, along with maidens trained in calligraphy. Ambrose generously supplied what was required for all of them. (Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 6.18.1–2) Text: Eduard Schwartz, Eusebius Kirchesngeschichte (Repr.; Berlin: De Gruyter, 2021) Translation: Modified from Jeremy Schott, The History of the Church: A New Translation (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2019) Commentary: Seven enslaved female calligraphers (κόραις ἐπὶ τὸ καλλιγραφεῖν ἠσκημέναις) assisted the mid-third-century Christian teacher, philosopher, and polymath Origen of Alexandria with his literary needs. They were “supplied” to Origen by his patron Ambrose, a detail that suggests that these anonymous workers were enslaved and were “gifted” in the same way as Roman elites gifted literate workers to one another. It is possible that these young women had been educated in Ambrose’s household in much the same way as the wealthy Roman Atticus trained all of the members of his household to read and write (Haines-Eitzen). In scholarship on ancient literacy it is often assumed that the vast majority of women were illiterate. The reference here to professionally trained female calligraphers, thus, invites comment. The existence of Eusebius’s calligraphers suggests that women were also trained to be literary experts (Haines-Eitzen). Other examples of enslaved literate women include Sulpicia Petale (AE 1928, 73); the enslaved Christian teacher Grapte (Herm.Vis.2.4); and, potentially, the woman who holds tablets in a second century relief depicting a butcher’s shop originally from Trastevere in Rome (Staatliche Kunstsammlungen, Dresden, inv. ZV 44). Of equal interest is the young women’s ages. Eusebius presents the calligraphers as young women (κοραῖος). Many enslaved literate workers were young because their senses were known to be sharper than those of adults (Moss). Examples like Melior, a distinguished accountant whose funerary relief indicates that he died at the age of thirteen, indicate that enslaved copyists could reach positions of distinction at a young age (Eckhardt, 130). The same term “calligrapher” (καλλιγραφος) is used by the fourth-century monk Epiphanius of a well-educated Christian copyist named Hieracas (Pan. 67.1.1–4; 67.7.9). Keywords:  Christian; Copyist; Eusebius; Literate Worker; Origen; Women Related Entries: Anonymous Copyists (Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 6.23.1-2); Anonymous Shorthand Writers (Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 6.23); Grapte (Herm. Vis. 2) Bibliography: Eckardt, Hella. Writing and Power in the Roman World: Literacies and Material Culture. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2017. Haines-Eitzen, Kim. “‘Girls Trained in Beautiful Writing’: Female Scribes in Roman Antiquity and Early Christianity.” JECS 6.4 (1998): 629-646. ———Guardians of Letters: Literacy, Power and the Transmitters of Early Christian Literature. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000. Moss, Candida R. “Disability.” In Writing, Enslavement, and Power in the Roman Mediterranean. Edited by Jeremiah Coogan, Joseph Howley, and Candida Moss. Oxford: Oxford University Press, forthcoming. How to Cite: Coogan, Jeremiah and Candida Moss. “Anonymous Female Calligraphers (Eusebius, HE 6.23.1)” Ancient Enslaved Christians. Accessed DAY MONTH YEAR. .

Role: Literate Workers Gender: Unknown Date: 90-150 CE Place: Unknown Language:  Gospel; Bios; Narrative Literary Genre: Letter Title of Work: Gospel of Luke Reference: Luke 1:1–4 Original Text: Ἐπειδήπερ πολλοὶ ἐπεχείρησαν ἀνατάξασθαι διήγησιν περὶ τῶν πεπληροφορημένων ἐν ἡμῖν πραγμάτων, καθὼς παρέδοσαν ἡμῖν οἱ ἀπ’ ἀρχῆς αὐτόπται καὶ ὑπηρέται γενόμενοι τοῦ λόγου,  ἔδοξεν κἀμοὶ παρηκολουθηκότι ἄνωθεν πᾶσιν ἀκριβῶς καθεξῆς σοι γράψαι, κράτιστε Θεόφιλε, ἵνα ἐπιγνῷς περὶ ὧν κατηχήθης λόγων τὴν ἀσφάλειαν. (NA28 Luke 1:1–4) English Translation: Since many have undertaken to set down an orderly account of the events that have been fulfilled among us, just as they were handed on to us by those who from the beginning were eyewitnesses and servants of the word, I too decided, after investigating everything carefully from the very first, to write an orderly account for you, most excellent Theophilus, so that you may know the truth concerning the things about which you have been instructed. (NRSV Luke 1:1–4) Commentary: The context of this passage is the opening to the Gospel of Luke. The author here notes their reliance on the "huperetai of the word." The language is usually translated as either "ministers" or "servants," terms that in conjunction with the reference to “the word” have a theological resonance for Christian readers. In Greek the term can refer to any kind of service including subordinate workers, assistants employed in executions, and those who attended soldiers. The same term is used in Luke 4:20 of the attendant to whom Jesus hands the scroll in the synagogue. Commentary on Luke 4:20 has viewed this attendant as a lower status worker comparable to a tanna. We might reasonably infer that these invisible individuals were enslaved workers involved in the curation of oral or written sources for the Gospel of Luke. Keywords: Christian; Gospel of Luke, Literate Workers; New Testament Bibliography: Henry George Liddell. Robert Scott. A Greek-English Lexicon. Revised and augmented throughout by Sir Henry Stuart Jones with the assistance of. Roderick McKenzie. Oxford. Clarendon Press. 1940. How to Cite: Moss, Candida R. “Anonymous Assistants (Luke 1:1-4).” Ancient Enslaved Christians. Accessed DAY MONTH YEAR. .

Role: Literate Worker Images: Detail of the Alexamenos Graffito (Photo Credit Brent Nongbri) Alexamenos Graffitto Line Drawing McClellan Gender: Male Date: Early 2nd - early 3rd century CE Brief Description: The image shows a man or young boy worshiping a donkey headed man who is affixed to a cross. Beneath the cross is a crudely made inscription in rudimentary Greek. The graffito was scratched into plaster on the wall of a room, usually identified as a paedagogium or school room, near the Palatine Hill in Rome, Italy. It is usually identified as one of the earliest images of Jesus. Initial Publication: Raffaele Garrucci, Un crocifisso graffito da mano pagana nella casa dei Cesari sul Palatino (Rome: Copi tipi della civiltà, 1856), 529-45. Find Spot: Internal wall of a building located on the south-eastern slope of the Palatine Hill in Rome. The building is usually referred to as the Paedagogium. The graffito was found on the south-east wall of room 7. Current Location: Museum Palatino inv. 381403, Rome. Material: Plaster Measurements: 38 cm x 33.5 cm Language: Greek Inscription: ΑΛΕ ΞΑΜΕΝΟϹ ϹΕΒΕΤΕ ΘΕΟΝ, ALE XAMENOS SEBETE THEON. ϹΕΒΕΤΕ English Translations: Alexamenos worships [his] God Alternate Translation: Alexamenos worshiping a god Commentary: Alexamenos was a second-century enslaved Christian child who was educated at the paedagogium (schoolroom) that is located on the Palatine Hill in Rome. His existence is noted in the famous Alexamenos graffito, which is generally regarded as one of the earliest images of the crucifixion of Jesus of Nazareth. In the image, Alexamenos is shown looking up at a donkey-headed man on a cross. Tertullian and Minucius Felix refer to the pagan view that Christians worshiped a donkey headed God (Ad Nat. 1.14.1-4; Minucius Felix 9.3; 28.7). In the image the crucified man (Jesus), is seen from behind. The cross is the  “T” or tau shaped cross known as a crux commissa. Above the crossbar there seems to be a tabula where the titulus (identifying title) would have been attached. Both Alexamenos and the crucified figure are wearing a short, sleeveless tunic known as a colobrium. This particular form of dress was associated with servile status and work. The donkey head itself was associated with servile status Given that the Palatine schoolroom is filled with graffiti that mention the names of students it is likely that both Alexamenos and the author of the graffito were enslaved children who were being educated as part of the imperial household. There is some external evidence of Christians in the imperial household during the Severan period (Tertullian, Scap. 4; See Euelpistus). Alexamenos is a Greek name meaning Alexander that was frequently used of enslaved workers in Rome (Solin, 1996). While some scholars have identified the graffito as evidence of hostility towards Christians or even evidence of the persecution of Christians in Rome, the graffito is more at home in the satirical context of playroom taunts. Many other examples of playful taunts have been found in the space. The graffito presents evidence that Christian and non-Christian enslaved people worked alongside one another. Keywords: Christian; Graffiti; Imperial Household; Inscription; Literate Worker; Rome Image Sources: Line Rendering of the Alexamenos Graffito. Made by Dan McClellan. Detail of the Alexamenos Graffito 2nd Century C.E., Rome © Brent Nongbri Bibliography: Keegan, Peter.  “Reading the ‘Pages’ of the Domus Caesaris: Pueri Delicati, Slave Education, and the Graffiti of the Palatine Paedagogium.” Pages 69–98 in Roman Slavery and Roman Material Culture, ed. Michelle George. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2013. Harley-McGowan, Felicity. “The Alexamenos Graffito.” Pages 105-140 in The Reception of Jesus in the First Three Centuries. Edited by Chris Keith et al. London: T&T Clark, 2019. Schwaller, Tyler. “Picturing the Enslaved Christ: Philippians 2:6-8, Alexamenos, and a Mockery of Masculinity.” JECH 11.1 (2021): 38-65. Solin, Heikki and Marja Itkonen-Kaila, eds., Graffiti del Palatino I: Paedagogium (Helsinki: Acta Instituti Romani Finlandiae, 1966), 210-212, 246. How to Cite: Moss, Candida R. “Alexamenos (Graf. Pal. I.246).” Ancient Enslaved Christians. Accessed DAY MONTH YEAR. .

Methodology Drawing upon both recent work by Saidiya Hartman, Marissa Fuentes, Stephanie Smallwood and others on the history of Atlantic slavery, as well as studies in book history, religious studies, and classics, this project is an attempt to document the role of enslaved workers in production of the literature of the early church.[1] It aims to gather and assemble the epigraphic, literary, documentary, and artistic evidence for enslaved literate workers in the 1st-2nd centuries CE. The material contained here is deliberately maximalist. This means that certain categories will be blurry and that individuals who might not have been enslaved will be included. ​ Identifying Enslaved Individuals ​ The social status of individual workers can sometimes be difficult to parse. Sometime s the social status of an individual is explicit, on other occasions it is obscured or assumed by an ancient auth or. The difficulty is only exacerbated when dealing with Christian sources as tradition has tended to elevate the pedigree of named members of the Jesus movement. Often the status of a worker is ascertained on the basis of (1) their name (2) their occupation. Each aspect of this method has problems. While some names (e.g. “Epaphroditus” meaning “charming” or "attractive") are unmistakably “slavish,” there are always exceptions, and general principles vary depending on chronological period and region.[2] So too, while some professions (e.g. copying) were considered dishonorable and associated with servile workers, there were situations where freeborn individuals would engage in these tasks. In keeping with the principles of this project we include all individuals who might reasonably have been said to be enslaved or formerly enslaved (freed person). This includes those identified based on their name and/or profession. The rationale for each individual's identification as an enslaved or potentially enslaved person is explained in the commentary on each entry. ​ Enslaved and Formerly Enslaved ​ The database includes people who had been manumitted (freed) as well as those who are explicitly identified as enslaved. It is sometimes difficult to identify the stage in a person’s life when they were manumitted. Moreover, those who had been manumitted often continued to live in the homes of their former enslavers and were subjected to the same forms of pressure and abuse. ​ The Language of Enslavement ​ In the past forty years the study of slavery has come a long way. Following the work of Foreman, et al , we see the identification of a person as a “slave” as dehumanizing and essentializing. Thus, we prefer to use the terms “enslaved” and “enslavement.”[3] ​ Biblical Texts and their Modification ​ Unless otherwise noted Greek texts of the New Testament come from Nestle-Aland, Novum Testamentum Graece (28th ed. 2012). The official text for this can be found here . English translations are drawn from the New Revised Standard Version, though the translation is often modified. As the work of Clarice Martin has shown, translations of Biblical texts have selectively and strategically translated the language of enslavement in order to obscure and erase enslaved identity. Translating enslaved person (doulos) as “servant” obscures the brutal fact that enslavement was not a matter of choice and “minimizes the full psychological weight of the institution of slavery itself.”[4] The erasure of enslaved identity is rooted in the understanding that there is something shameful about the experience of being victimized and, thus, tacitly assumes the inferiority of enslaved people. We have chosen to preserve the language of enslavement even in situations where the language might be understood to be metaphorical. ​ Christian Identity ​ The language of “Christian” poses some problems. First, it is not always possible to identify the religious orientation of an individual worker. Non-Christian enslaved workers often lived in the households of freeborn Christians (e.g. the enslaved workers noted in Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 5.1.14). Second, even if an enslaved worker is known to have been Christian their “conversion” may have been involuntary or coerced. Finally, for most of the first century, followers of Jesus were known simply as Jews or followers of the Way. Many of the individuals included here may simply have identified as Jewish. We do not wish to erase their identities by identifying them as Christian. Nevertheless, and with a view to plans to broaden the database to include enslaved non-Christians we use the keyword “Christian” as an identifier in entries for first century members of the Jesus movement. ​ Defining Role and Job Titles ​ Wherever possible the project identifies people by their role or title (e.g. “secretary” or “reader”). In instances where (1) a worker’s role is unclear or (2) the individual performs multiple literate roles they are identified simply as “literate workers.” Timothy, for example, is a co-author in some letters attributed to Paul and as a messenger in others. Enslaved workers in Roman households often served a variety of roles regardless of their formal title. This is true, for example, of an enslaved man named Diphilus who worked in the household of Crassus in Rome: he is identified both as a “writer” and a “reader” (Cicero, De Orat. 1.136). ​ Anonymity ​ Some of the entries include anonymous individuals whose presence and role can only be inferred from primary materials. These people are listed as "Anonymous" with the relevant primary evidence following. It is, of course, impossible to know exactly who these people were, but in light of recent work erasure of enslaved workers from ancient texts by Brendon Reay, Sarah Blake, Joseph Howley, and Candida Moss and in keeping with the maximalist goals of this project they are included here.[5] ​ GENDER We have included gender as a category of analysis in each entry. Alongside the traditionally recognized genders of “Male” and “Female” we have included “Unknown” and “Non-Normative.” Included under “Non-Normative” both are those individuals whose gender performance is suggestive of non-normative gender and those whose bodies had been modified by force (i.e. “Eunuchs”). In the case of those whose bodies had been forcibly modified, we do not wish to obscure either the violence of this practice, or its many medical risks. ​ Notes [1] Saidiya V. Hartman, “Venus in Two Acts,” Small Axe: A Caribbean Journal of Criticism 12.2 (2008): 1–14; Hartman, Lose Your Mother: A Journey Along the Atlantic Slave Route (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2008), 16; Hartman, Scenes of Subjection: Terror, Slavery, and Self-Making in Nineteenth-Century America (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997); Marisa J. Fuentes, Dispossessed Lives: Enslaved Women, Violence, and the Archive (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2016); and David Kazanjian, “Freedom’s Surprise: Two Paths Through Slavery’s Archives,” History of the Present: A Journal of Critical History 6.2 (2016): 133-145; Stephanie Smallwood, “The Politics of the Archive and History’s Accountability to the Enslaved,” History of the Present 6.2 (2016): 117-32. [2] See, for example, Christer Bruun, “Greek or Latin? The Owner’s Choice of Names for vernae in Rome,” in Roman Slavery and Roman Material Culture, ed. Michelle George (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2013), 19–42. [3] P. Gabrielle Foreman, et al., “Writing about Slavery/Teaching About Slavery: This Might Help,” Community-sourced document, Accessed November 20, 2020. https://naacpculpeper.org/resources/writing-about-slavery-this-might-help/ . [4] Clarice J. Martin, “Womanist Interpretations of the New Testament: The Quest for Holistic and Inclusive Translation and Interpretation,” in I Found God in Me: A Womanist Biblical Hermeneutics Reader, ed. Mitzi J. Smith (Eugene, OR: Cascade, 2015), 19–41 [25]. [5] Brendon Reay, “Agriculture, Writing, and Cato’s Aristocratic Self-Fashioning,” Classical Antiquity 24.2 (2005): 331–61; Sarah Blake, “Now You See Them: Slaves and Other Objects as Elements of the Roman Master,” Helios 39.2 (2012): 193–211; Blake, “In Manus: Pliny’s Letters and the Arts of Mastery,” in Roman Literary Cultures: Domestic Politics, Revolutionary Poetics, Civic Spectacle, ed. A. Keith and J. Edmondson (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2016), 89–107; Joseph A. Howley, “In Rome,” in Further Reading, edited by Matthew Rubery and Leah Price (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2020), 15–27; Candida R. Moss, “Between the Lines: Looking for the Contributions of Enslaved Literate Laborers in a Second-Century Text (P. Berol. 11632),” SLA 5.3 (2021): 432–52

There’s Nothing Here... We can’t find the page you’re looking for. Check the URL, or head back home. Go Home

There’s Nothing Here... We can’t find the page you’re looking for. Check the URL, or head back home. Go Home